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The second part provides the analysis of the data. It has five chapters, which follow the moments of the translation process[1]. Chapter Four is an introduction to the contested background of the development project used as a case study. Chapter Five presents an overview of the case study by making explicit what development workers sought to achieve with it. More importantly, it provides key data to answer the first question of this research, by unpacking the understanding development workers have of local development concerns (i.e. what local people consider worthwhile pursuing) and how they aim to address them. This chapter provides the background to the exploration of intercultural practices.

 

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Chapter Six, Seven and Eight provide key information to answer the how part of the first research question by exploring how development workers’ understanding of Andean communities’ development concerns contribute (positively or negatively) to the practice of interculturalidad. This holds the ethnographical findings to answer the second research question about power. Drawing on Mosse’s work (2005) about the social construction of development success, the above-mentioned chapters describe how such process takes place within the case study.

 

 

It is important to mention that a Latourian perspective to talk about modernity is just one among various understandings coming from decolonial, feminist and subaltern studies. I will engage with the first area of studies as it is the best fit for this research because it is rooted in the Latin American context and discusses race and racism. While doing this I will explain the reasons underpinning this research use of Actor Network Theory (ANT) as a reference for the exploration of interculturalidad.

 

 

 

 

 

This section explains the concept of power used in this research. The critiques of such approach and the trade-offs of using it will be discussed in section 3.5.2. There are many approaches to understanding power. I will engage primarily with some of them because of their proximity with this research. Namely power within decolonial studies emerging from Latin America and within the studies of development practice. I will then explain why I focus on power as discussed within Actor Network Theory.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Silent racism does not adjust to the typical concept of racism as it is not based on racial or ethnic discrimination solely. In 1530 the Spanish crown declared to abolishment of slavery of indigenous people

 

 

 

 

To facilitate listening to local voices, I need to be clear about how my framework of understanding. It is clear, from my position of using ANT, that I am a social constructivist. But not of the type of construction that commonly refers to “social construction” as a pure outcome of ideological processes. It is a constructivism that does not restrict itself to the realm of the conventional understanding of the “social”. It is radical in the sense that does not depart from specific social norms to explain phenomena and refuses to see facts as not constructed. It also discusses a gap between a subject and object of knowledge. It rather focuses on the connections between humans and non-humans as a source of knowledge.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The research generated several ethical issues to address. First, given that DPTK is implemented through the partnership between a local NGO (TKFD) and an international research centre (IARC) and funded by the European Commission, exposing the challenges of implementation may have consequences for future collaborations. For that reason, the project’s real name and the names of involved communities and collaborating organisations have been pseudonymised[12]. All published work about DPTK (i.e. publications by development workers and other authors which could enable the identification of the case study) has been removed from the bibliographical list.

But doing no harm is not enough. This research’s intention is to improve an already worthwhile project. But claims of harm, though not present in this research, are potential.

 

Two specific trade-offs have been identified when using ANT for the analysis of power relations. First, its positive onotological process of representation and subject formation at the cost of a negative starting point. Second, the lack of specific mechanisms to call on powerful actors. I will pass to discuss them in the following pages and conclude to mention the value of ANT despite the trade-offs.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The following Figure 10 is a graphical approximation of the interactions of the DPTK actor-network. It brings together the thesis key points, allowing to see clearly how interculturalidad is shaped by development experts’ understandings of CC residents’ development concerns. It aims to summarise the research findings and to establish a clear connection with their implications of intercultural practice. To that end, it brings in a nutshell the political environment in which interculturalidad is exercised by showing how

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

This question will be addressed by separating it into two parts. First, it is specified what are the understandings of development workers about Andean communities. Second, a concise articulation is provided about how such understandings have shape the baseline study and, in turn, how that has shaped the practice of interculturalidad.According to the findings of this research, it could be said that development experts’ understandingsinvolve two barriers for the practice of interculturalidad: hesitation to participate by CC residents and disconnection between development experts and CC residents about the value of DPTK.

How indigenous knowledge is valued by development experts and left aside (when it is not what they had in mind) entails a disconnection. I argue this disconnection is precisely what sustains silent racism in this case, and it exposes the exclusion of indigenous people in the name of development success. Hence, regardless of what indigenous people have to say, for their voices to change DPTK’s orientation (set by development experts) they need to act according to the established agendas and idiom of the development industry.

 

 

 

 

In Chapter Two was discussed how this research finds unuseful to keep a strict focus on a meta version of interculturalidad. It was argued that this type of research depoliticises the analysis of interculturalidad. As presented in section 2.3, Montoya (2011)has argued that proponents of meta versions of interculturalidad impose an unfortunate confusion between reality and the ideal of a different reality. I agree with Montoya in that there are many politicians and also development experts that in an attempt to position interculturalidad in the national political agenda lose sight of the practices that sustain it.

 

 

 

As mentioned in subsection 10.4.1, interculturalidad has rarely been studied within NGO-led development projects. Often intercultural practice has been studied as a governmental project in the area of education. This research broadens the understanding of interculturalidad by exploring how it is held together outside the classroom and connecting it with wider debates on the practice of development. This focus on interculturalidad has provided enough evidence to argue in favour of seeing it as an inherently political process. This contribution also provides an input to open up a conversation about the impact of international aid and local NGOs in the promotion of indigenous agendas in Peru. Hence, making possible to understand the challenges it involves and how to face them better.

 

 

 

[1]  See section 3.5 for an explanation of the methodological framework.

[2] Some authors would argue that these are not the same project. But for mignolo these are continuum, modernisty is a refined way in which colonial power works.

[3] In Quijano’s view non moderns would equate to indigenous people from the global south, not those that do not establish a division between society and nature. The latter is the Latourian perspective.

[4] It is important to mention that Quijano establishes that there are two main ways to talk about modernity. First the European version by which all cultures cultivate modernity, in the sense of becoming more secular. Second, modernity is a unique historical assemblage that controls all the areas of social life: capitalist companies (controls labour and resources), bourgeois families (controls sex and wealth), nation-states (controls and reproduces eurocentrism). For Quijano the first is a futile way of understanding modernity If one aims to overcome it. The second is vaguely referred by Latour, his interest remains in problematizing the way in which how the secular process of the first dimension of modernity works and exposes how ill prepared is to deal with complex phenomena.

[5] Quijano (1992) finds that new forms of colonial power are not just a subordination of other cultures but also the colonization of them. By that the author means that colonization implies the imposition of mental constructs of inferiority. Hence, implying that those subordinated people seem to be unaware of such imposition and that they have been acting according to the design of those in power.

 

[6] Big D Development: Development defined as a post-second world war project of intervention in the ‘third world’ that emerged in the context of decolonization and the cold war Little d development: economic and social transformations, the ways in which the world, its global and local flows, cultures and relationships are changing (Hart, 2001).

 

[7]See section 3.2 for a further exploration of a relational approach to power and the implementation of ANT in this research.

[8] The authors provide the example of white power movement, and how some of its members conceal their Aryan dentity as an act of resistance.

[9]This is precisely one of the issues, the feminist author, Donna Haraway wanted to address with her concept situated knowledges(Haraway, 1988).

[10] See the concept actant in sub section 3.4.2

[11] Encomiendas were a labor system by which individuals, authorised by the Spanish crown, were able to force indigenous people to work in return of education and protection. In parallel the Spanish crown authorised and benefited from the trade of black slaves from Africa.

[12] For the pseudonymisation I used the first letter of each name to run the search tool “Name Voyager” from the website www.babynamewizard.com. This tool provided me a pool of popular names from which I chose other names at random. See annex 14 for a full list of the interviewees cited in this thesis.

[13] For an example involving a development project see Rottenburg (2009).

 

[14]As explained above I think that whatever rendition of the network will always remain partially connected to what is not described.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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